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You have erred: Open letter to President Tinubu and the Nigerian political class

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You have erred: Open letter to President Tinubu and the Nigerian political class
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Dear President Tinubu,

Today’s epistle is prompted by the crisis in Rivers State and, more importantly, by the political manner in which most of those responsible for managing the situation, along with those capable of addressing it, are proceeding. This correspondence is directed to you in your official capacity as the highest-ranking political figure in the country. Let us be clear; there is no other honest way to express it: this letter aims to inform you that you have made an error regarding Rivers State.

For the record, the “You” in the title of this epistle does not solely refer to the Yoruba deferential “you” that one might expect me to use when addressing you and which I would readily employ; rather, it also encompasses the simple English plural second-person pronoun applicable to the team at the presidency, members of the Senate, representatives from the federal House, leaders in Rivers State, and leaders of opposition parties. Why single out President Bola Tinubu if all are involved? Some might ask this out of genuine curiosity or mere mischief. The answer to all and sundry is that when things go well in a kingdom, we praise the king, and when they go badly, we blame the king.

In this instance, Mr. President, allow me to inform you that by directly championing and personally announcing the proclamation that suspended an elected governor and a duly elected parliament, you have inflicted a considerable wound upon our fragile democracy, our aspiration for federalism, and your political reputation. The Latin and legal term for such a wound is “vulnus,” which is the root of the word “vulnerable.”

I listened attentively to your speech and read the text several times with an open mind, yet I was not convinced that your decision was the optimal option. I paid close attention to the intervention of the Attorney General of the Federation, analysing it from the perspective of a trained jurist, and I was neither impressed nor persuaded that your alternative interpretation of section 305 of the Nigerian constitution was necessary or accurate.

Some who support and defend your stance and decision have tried vainly to explain and convince me that your intentions go beyond what you expressed in your proclamation speech. I have asked them if you called them to explain this intention privately in a place and at a time when only they were present or if they have some extraordinary gift in reading your noble thoughts.

In the meantime, dear Mr. President, for those of us who do not have the extraordinary gift of reading your thoughts but rely solely on facts and logic, here are five unintended consequences of the state of emergency in Rivers State.

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Firstly, you have roused an ordinarily sleepy opposition by providing them with reasons to swiftly and unexpectedly unite and publicly share a platform to express their viewpoints. “May we not give our adversaries any cause to unite” is a prayer point my late grandmother, Abigal Kila, imparted to me with utmost conspiratorial seriousness in Yoruba.

Secondly, you have sparked public interest in the concept of a quorum within the National Assembly. Unfortunately, this interest has been met with disappointment, as there is no evidence that the National Assembly of Nigeria had the necessary quorum as the constitution prescribes to deliberate and decide regarding the approval of the state of emergency in Rivers State. I would very much like to be proved wrong on this matter, and therefore, I urge the leadership of the National Assembly to provide evidence that they had a quorum and that they adhered to all protocols during their proceedings concerning the state of emergency in Rivers State.

An unintended beneficiary of the proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State is Senator Seriake Dickson, who, both inside and outside the red chambers, has made his position known and, by doing so, garnered attention by demonstrating his knowledge of the law and his ability to articulate his stance. Thanks to Senator Dickson, we have also learned that Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal stepped up as a defender of the Constitution and the people’s wishes. It is also important to mention Senator Ireti Kingibe. What has happened to the other distinguished senators? The declaration of a state of emergency is one of the most crucial matters in a democracy. An anonymous “aye” is insufficient. I propose that each member of the national assembly justifies their vote on the proclamation of the state of emergency in Rivers State to their constituents, allowing the whole of Nigeria to receive a report on how and why they voted.

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Another unintended consequence of this proclamation is the rebirth of former President Goodluck Jonathan, who many described as clueless whilst in power. He has made a very statesmanlike pronouncement to show his thorough understanding of and adherence to the traditional silence of former heads of state and the need to speak out and clearly when the constitution, democracy, and image of the country are at stake. What a gift!

Political history has also benefited from this proclamation. In the past week, CIAPS Reports show that the Google search engine, the encyclopaedia, and the Oracle of our times have seen exponential growth in the number of users searching for the 1962 crisis in the Western region within and outside Nigeria. I am willing to bet that is not the fifth consequence you intended with the proclamation.

There are three fundamental “Ps” in modern democracy and management. The first “P” is for purpose, and the first purpose of any democratic government is to preserve democracy and freedom. The roads and schools we build, the poverty we alleviate, and the general security we provide are to ensure that people live in a free and democratic society. Sending in the military to oust an elected governor and parliament defeats the purpose of a democratic government.

Another essential “P” is process. Any governmental action that fails to follow a procedure that visibly upholds the principles of transparency and accountability represents a process that falls short of democratic values. It must be said that the President sent his proclamation to the National Assembly for deliberation and approval, but the process adopted in parliament suffers severe democratic deficiency.

The third “P” is perception, and the fourth “P” is for precedence.

Regardless of intention and potential interpretations of the law, any Democrat who, for any reason, initiates or supports a decision or action that results in the suspension or removal of a democratically elected executive or parliament in favour of an unelected military officer taking control of the reins of power and managing the commonwealth of a nation cannot, and should not, be regarded as a true democrat.

Let us assume that you, Mr. President, are noble and good in your intentions today. However, I am concerned about tomorrow. What will happen when a self-serving president, one intent on punishing an unfriendly governor, Parliament, or unaligned voters, chooses to exploit the precedent you have established today?

Join me on Twitter to continue this conversation @anthonykila

  • Anthony Kila is an Institute Director at CIAPS.

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